Malaysian Innovation: Building a Social Impact Bond (SIB) Pipeline

Agensi Inovasi Malaysia, part of the Malaysian Government, has embarked on a journey towards Social Impact Bonds that reflects the Malaysian social and policy context. There are three innovative features of their program, ‘Social Service Delivery’, worth highlighting:

  1. Explaining SIBs as a public-private partnership for social good
  2. Creating a market of new interventions to contract via a SIB
  3. Exploring Islamic finance as a source of SIB funding

Let’s explore each of these innovations in turn.

Explaining SIBs as a public-private partnership for social good

Social Impact Bonds were first implemented by an organisation called Social Finance in the UK in 2010. The idea has since generated interest all over the world. The concept can be overwhelming for stakeholders, who seek to understand how far away this model might be from their current reality. In Malaysia, Social Impact Bonds have been framed as the logical next step after the recent introduction of other long-term partnerships and privately financed initiatives (PFIs) towards new infrastructure such as buildings and roads. The 2010 New Economic Model for Malaysia from the National Economic Advisory Council called for ‘academia, business, the civil service, and civil society’ to ‘work together in partnership for the greater good of the nation as a whole’ (Part 1, p. 68). Social Impact Bonds are one vehicle by which these recommendations will be delivered. They are an arrangement where a non-government organisation delivers an intervention that is first financed by private investors who stand to be repaid with interest from government funding if a social outcome is achieved. There are incentives for each stakeholder to be involved (see the Agensi Inovasi Malaysia diagram below).

Diagram of objectives of program

(Agensi Inovasi Malaysia)

Creating a market of new interventions to contract via a SIB

Most jurisdictions that have developed a SIB have first scanned their market for investors, intermediaries and proven or promising social delivery organisations. And then they’ve thought about how to run a procurement process that brings the best of these players together, along with an intervention to achieve a priority outcome for Government. Although procurement approaches have varied, all have rested on the ability of the market to delivery suitable interventions that can be managed by organisations with sufficient capabilities to produce the desired social outcomes. Agensi Inovasi Malaysia has enhanced their opportunity to engage with capable service providers by holding a competition for new ideas in priority areas, and then incubating and collecting evidence on these new initiatives, with the end goal of a Social Service Delivery contract. This is not only a way to provide services that are suitable for the first Social Impact Bonds in Malaysia, but creates a pipeline of evidenced programs for the future.

Social impact bonds emerged in the UK in 2010, with 23 currently in operation. Development plateaued, however, during 2013 and 2014 (see chart below).

SIBs launched white background

In the latter half of 2013, attention turned to the development of a pipeline of SIBs to bring to market. Big Lottery Fund and the UK Cabinet Office are working together on “a joint mission to support the development of more SIBs” through their social outcomes funds totalling £60 million. Social Finance, in partnership with the Local Government Association, has been commissioned to support applicants to their funds and there is also a program of grants for organisations requiring specialist technical support to apply (Big Lottery Fund).

Agensi Inovasi Malaysia will potentially avoid the problems of the UK, by seeding and supporting a pipeline of interventions up front. This pipeline has been created through the ‘Berbudi Berganda: Social Impact Innovation Challenge’ which called for social organisations to submit their ideas for interventions to tackle the priority issues of:

  • youth unemployment
  • homelessness
  • elderly care.

The top 12 organisations won funds and support to implement their ideas, the impact of which will be the subject of action research over their first four months. This research will form the basis of a framework and delivery model addressing the priority issues. The pilot program timeline is below.

Apr 2014 Feasibility study
Sep 2014 Focus group discussion
Oct – Nov 2014 Social Innovation Challenge
Jan – Apr 2015 Incubation
Jan – Apr 2015 Intervention
Jan – Apr 2015 Action research and impact study
2015 Social Finance Policy Framework
2015-16 Model for ‘Social Service Delivery’

The benefits of the competition and incubation approach include:

  • focusing NGO innovation in government priority issue areas
  • government being able to work with NGOs over a longer period of time, thus gaining a better understanding of the ability of the organisation to deliver effective programs and outcomes
  • creating an evidence base that will inform the design of ‘Social Service Delivery’
  • supporting organisations to build and test interventions suitable for a Social Impact Bond.

The Agensi Inovasi Malaysia approach might require more up-front government funding than other jurisdictions have been or will be able to provide. But for a government that has limited experience outsourcing social services, it is a collaborative and supportive way to create a market of interventions that might otherwise not exist.

Exploring Islamic Finance as a source of SIB funding

The potential for Islamic finance to become a source of funding for Social Impact Bonds is significant and has not yet been explored. The Islamic religion obliges its followers to give the zakat, a portion of their wealth to ease inequality and suffering. The total given each year is estimated at 15 times that of global humanitarian aid contributions, and in Malaysia the zakat collected by Government is over US $400 million (Irin News).

Islamic finance includes Musharakah (Joint Venture Partnership), Waqaf (charitable donations), Debt Structure, and Sukuk (Islamic Bonds). A Musharakah could be used as the structure that holds the contracts with other parties. Sukuk could be used for investment, although their flexibility in terms of repayments that are dependent on outcomes will need to be determined. Waqaf could be used to fund a specific fixed cost such as legal fees, extra staff for development of a SIB, software, premises, audit, insurance, performance management or evaluation. The way this could fit into a Social Impact Bond structure is shown below.

Malaysia 2

Conclusion

Agensi Inovasi Malaysia has created a unique pathway towards Social Impact Bonds. Their approach mitigates the risks of implementing the model in a country without a history of outsourcing social services. They have framed this new contracting model in the broader policy context of public-private partnerships, which aids wider understanding of both the model and the objectives of government. By seeding and supporting new programs that address priority issues, the Government will be able to understand and evidence the impact of these new programs, before contracting them for ‘Social Service Delivery’. Finally, the exploration of the role Islamic finance can play in a Social Impact Bond has the potential to be applied in other jurisdictions and extends the ability of Islamic finance to achieve social outcomes.

This blog was written as a result of a project Emma is working on with Agensi Inovasi Malaysia. It describes aspects of their programs that she found interesting and relevant. These are Emma’s personal views and should not be taken as representative of Agensi Inovasi Malaysia or any other organisation. 

The Justice Data Lab – an overview

MoJ Data LabWhat is the Justice Data Lab?

The Justice Data Lab allows non-government organisations to compare the reoffending of the participants in their programmes with the reoffending of other similar ex-offenders. It “will allow them to understand their specific impact in reducing re-offending… providing easy access to high-quality re-offending information” (Ministry of Justice, Justice Data Lab User Journey p.10). There is no charge to organisations that use the Justice Data Lab.

The Justice Data Lab is a pilot run by the Ministry of Justice. The pilot began in April 2013. Each month, summaries of results and data are published, including Forest plots of all results so far.

Who might use it?

The Justice Data Lab can be used by “organisations that genuinely work with offenders” (Justice Data Lab User Journey p.11). One request will provide evidence of a programme’s effect on its service users’ reoffending. Several requests could compare services within an organisation or over time to answer more sophisticated questions about what is more effective.

This information could be used by non-government organisation for internal programme improvements, to report impact to stakeholders or to bid for contracts. It was set up at the time the Ministry of Justice’s Transforming Rehabilitation Programme was encouraging bids from voluntary and community sector organisations to deliver services to reduce reoffending.

What are the inputs?

Input data are required to identify the service users from a specific program and match them with a comparison group. Information on at least 60 service users is required and the organisation must have worked with the offender between 2002 and 2010.

Essential:

  • Surname
  • Forename
  • Date of Birth
  • Gender

At least one of the following:

  • Index Date
  • Conviction Date
  • Intervention Start Date [note: feedback from applicants is that this is required]
  • Intervention End Date [note:feedback from applicants is that this is required]

Highly Desirable: PNC ID and/or Prison Number

Optional: User Reference Fields

What are the outputs?

The one year proven re‐offending rate –  defined as the proportion of offenders in a cohort who commit an offence in a one year follow‐up period which received a court conviction, caution, reprimand or warning during the one year follow‐up or in a further six month waiting period. The one year follow‐up period begins when offenders leave custody or start their probation sentence. A fictional example of the output provided by the Ministry of Justice is quoted below:

The analysis assessed the impact of the Granville Literacy Project (GLP) on re‐ offending. The one year proven re‐offending rate for 72 offenders on the GLP was 35%, compared with 41% for a matched control group of similar offenders. The best estimate for the reduction in re‐offending is 6 percentage points, and we can be confident that the reduction in re‐offending is between 2 and 10 percentage points.
What you can say: The evidence indicates that the GLP reduced re‐offending by between 2 and 10 percentage points.

Publication
Applicants should note the following requirement: “an organisation requesting data through the Justice Data Lab must publish the final report, in full, on the organisation’s website within four months of receiving the final report.”

I’d be very interested in the opinions of applicants on this requirement. Is it an issue? Does it create perverse incentives?

What are the implications?

The implications are huge. Prior to the Justice Data Lab it was very difficult for non-government organisations to establish a comparison group against which to measure their effect. Evaluations of effect are expensive and thus prohibitive, particularly for smaller organisations. In addition, the differences in their methods and definitions meant that evidence was more difficult to interpret and compare.

This is exactly the type of evidence that developers of social impact bonds find so difficult to establish and will be essential to constructing social impact bonds to deliver  Transforming Rehabilitation services. It is a measure of outcome, which is desirable, but often more difficult to quantify than input (e.g. how much money went into the programme), activity (e.g. what services were delivered) or output (e.g. how many people completed the programme).

New Philanthropy Capital (NPC) were involved in designing the Justice Data Lab and their Data for Impact Manager, Tracey Gyateng, is specifically thinking about applications to other policy areas.

How is it going?

See my November 2014 post on information coming out of the Justice Data Lab.

Also note the announcement of an Employment Data Lab by NPC and the Department of Work and Pensions.

More information

Information on the Justice Data Lab home page includes links to a series of useful documents:

  • User journey document – information on what the justice data lab is, and how to use its services.
  • Data upload template – use this template to supply data to the justice data lab. Further descriptions of the variables requested are given, and there are key areas which must be filled in on the specific activities of the organisation in relation to offenders.
  • Methodology paper – this document gives details of the specific methodology used by justice data lab to generate the analysis
  • Privacy impact assessment – this is a detailed analysis of how an organisations’ data will be protected at all stages of a request to the justice data lab
  • Example report template – two examples of a standard report, completed for two fictional organisations showing what will be provided.

Criminal justice service providers might also benefit from getting involved in the Improving Your Evidence project, a partnership between Clinks, NPC and Project Oracle. The project will produce resources and support, so follow the link and let them know what would be of most use. The page also links to an introduction to the Justice Data Lab – a useful explanation of the service.

The bulk of this post has been copied directly from the Ministry of Justice documents listed above. It is intended to act as a summary of these documents for quick digestion by potential users of the Justice Data Lab. The author is not affiliated with the Ministry of Justice and does not claim to represent them.

Fewer criminals or less crime? Frequency v binary measures in criminal justice

The June 2013 interim results released by the Ministry of Justice gave us a chance to examine the relationship between the number of criminals and the number of crimes they commit. The number of criminals is referred to as a binary measure, since offenders can be in only one of two categories: those who reoffend and those who don’t. The number of crimes is referred to as a frequency measure, as it focuses on how many crimes a reoffender commits.

The payments for the Peterborough SIB are based on the frequency measure. Please note that the interim results are not calculated in precisely the same way as the payments for the SIB will be made. [update: the results from the first cohort of the Peterborough SIB were released in August 2014 showing a reduction in offending of 8.4% compared to the matched national comparison group.]

In the period the Peterborough SIB delivered services to the first cohort (9 Sept 2010-1July 2012), the proportion of crimes committed over the six months following each prisoner’s release reduced by 6.9% and the proportion of criminals by 5.8%. In the same period, there was a national increase in continuing criminals of 5.4%, but an even larger increase of 14.5% in the number of crimes they commit. The current burning issue is not that there are more reoffenders, it is that those who reoffend are reoffending more frequently.

Criminals or crime 1Criminals (binary measure) in this instance are defined as the “Proportion of offenders who commit one or more proven reoffences”. A proven reoffence means “proven by conviction at court or a caution either in those 12 months or in a further 6 months”, rather than simply being arrested or charged.

Crime (frequency measure) in this instance is defined as “Any re-conviction event (sentencing occasion) relating to offences committed in the 12 months following release from prison, and resulting in conviction at court either in those 12 months or in a further 6 months (Note: excludes cautions).”

The two measures are related – you would generally expect more criminals to commit more crimes. But the way reoffending results are measured creates incentives for service providers. If our purpose is to reduce crime and really help those who impose the greatest costs on our society and justice system, we would choose a frequency measure of the number of crimes. If our purpose is to help those who might commit one or two more crimes to abstain from committing any at all, then we would choose a binary measure.Criminals or crime 2Source of data: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research

The effect of the binary measure in practice: Doncaster Prison

A Payment by Results (PbR) pilot was launched in October 2011 at Doncaster Prison to test the impact of a PbR model on reducing reconvictions. The pilot is being delivered by Serco and Catch22 (‘the Alliance’). The impact of the pilot is being assessed using a binary outcome measure, which is the proportion of prison leavers who are convicted of one or more offences in the 12 months following their release. The Alliance chose to withdraw community support for offenders who are reconvicted within the 12 month period post-release as they feel that this does not represent the best use of their resources. Some delivery staff reported frustration that support is withdrawn, undermining the interventions previously undertaken. (Ministry of Justice, Process Evaluation of the HMP Doncaster Payment by Results Pilot: Phase 2 findings.)

I have heard politicians and policy makers argue that the public are more interested in reducing or ‘fixing’ criminals than helping them offend less, and thus the success of our programmes needs to be based on a binary measure. I don’t think it’s that hard to make a case for reducing crime. People can relate to a reduction in aggravated burglaries. Let’s get intentional with the measures we use.

Making the economic case to government

CBA

Public agencies commissioning social impact bonds or other payment by results programmes want to see some kind of cost benefit analysis. But they might not always be so willing to provide the information an external organisation needs accurately estimate the benefit side. Different commissioners also have different requirements for cashable savings – for some it’s a key driver and for others it’s not a consideration.

I suggest that collecting benefits into the following five categories makes the information for the commissioner much clearer and, for UK commissioners, also explicitly addresses the requirements of the Social Value Act. All estimated amounts should be itemised and if an external applicant is unsure of the savings or benefits to public service agencies, then they should present a best estimate that prompts the commissioner to provide a more accurate figure. The Global Value Exchange is a database of proxy values that will be helpful for this.

Estimated amount
Cashable savings to commissioner(s)
Cashable savings to other public agencies
Non-cashable benefits / efficiency savings to commissioner(s)
Non-cashable benefits / efficiency savings to other public agencies
Savings/benefit to other stakeholders (social value)
Total economic benefit  

Social impact considered in refusal of alcohol licence

Interesting to see this article in the Manning River Times (August 16 2012) on how the Office of Liquor and Gaming considered evidence from local Police in their decision to refuse a discount liquor licence to supermarket giant Aldi in the small town of Taree, in New South Wales. Evidence included statements from Police and crime statistics for the area. While social impact reports are not required in many Government decisions, it’s great to see the local Police putting a case together for this one.